Jacob Høigilt
is a Middle East researcher with the Fafo Institute for Applied International Studies, Oslo. His research interests focus on ideological currents and discourses in the Arab world, with special reference to Islamism. Among his recent publications are Islamist Rhetoric: Language and...
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The salafis are coming – but where are they going?
Jacob Høigilt
, 4 July 2011
The Salafist movement has recently become a political actor in post-revolutionary Egypt but, despite intense media attention and serious sectarian incidents, its political impact is likely to remain limited. Three different strands of Salafism can be distinguished In Egypt. The traditional Salafi movement, established in the early 20th century, originally placed great emphasis on the purely doctrinal aspects of religion and was unconcerned with politics.
The second trend, the neotraditionalist Salafi current, emerged in the 1970s and is made up of individual Islamic sheikhs and their followers. These TV preachers have had a significant impact on Egyptian social life, which has in many respects become steadily more conservative under their influence. The third trend is the only one that has engaged in political activism. It emerged in the 1970s and was inspired by the radical Muslim Brother, Sayyid Qutb.
Despite incidents of political activism á la
jihad
, Salafism is mainly non-political; it is concerned with doctrine and individual religious practices. However, three modes of Salafi political engagement in the political transition have emerged. The first is seemingly leaderless and uncoordinated grassroots activism which manifests in attacks on Christians and Sufis, some of which have resulted in killings and the destruction of churches. Nevertheless, the possibility of these actions escalating is rather small, since the sheiks
are reluctant to give their blessings to violent activism.
Second is the rising importance of traditional and neo-traditional Salafism, represented most visibly by well-known Salafi TV sheikhs. Their influence was most palpable in the referendum on constitutional change in March 2011 during which they campaigned successfully for a "yes" vote. Socially conservative political parties make up the third Salafi option. Rebuilt from radicalised groups which were banned in the wake of president Anwar Sadat’s assassination in 1981, they aim to establish Islamic hudud
punishment and reverse liberal laws on women.
One of the main problems is that Salafi ideology tends to blur the boundaries between theology and politics which will make it difficult to reach compromises with a Salafi political party. In the wake of religious violence in May 2011, the Egyptian press exposed inflammatory acts by Salafi leaders, forcing TV sheikhs to criticise Salafist violence. However the press's newfound role as a watchdog should not overshadow the fundamental problem: should religious reasoning be used as a public tool to resolve political and social conflicts? It appears that Salafism is here to stay, but only time will show what course the Salafist movement takes in Egypt.
